Transplanted but not Uprooted: 19th-Century-Immigrants
from Hessen-Darmstadt in Wisconsin
Paper presented at the conference "Defining
Tensions: A Fresh Look at
Copyright: Dr. Helmut Schmahl, Department of History, Johannes
Gutenberg-Universität
(Personal homepage: http://www.germanimmigrants.de)
Table of
Contents |
Table 1:
Hessians in selected |
Table 2: Agriculture
in |
Table 3: Agriculture of
various ethnic groups in the Darmstädter Settlement of Washington County,
Wisconsin 1859/60 |
This paper was
based on my doctoral research on emigration from
Hessen-Darmstadt to Wisconsin. It was inspired by a
socio-historical approach, which was first articulated in 1960 by Frank
Thistlethwaite. He criticized historians for confining themselves to the
European or American side of the story, and encouraged them to examine the "process
of migration as a complete sequence of experiences". 1 He challenged American researchers to make the "salt water
curtain inhibiting American understanding of European origins"2 more transparent, and admonished Europeans to
examine settlement patterns of immigrants and their adaptation to a new
environment, known as acculturation. This results in a new perspective "from
neither the continent of origin nor from the principal
country of reception".3 According to Robert
Ostergren, this approach allowed researchers "to view the migrant
experience from within rather than without"4 and to overcome the traditional view of emigration and immigration as
two different phenomena. A good number of such studies on Scandinavians in the
In 1817
Johannes Neeb, mayor of Nieder-Saulheim near Mainz, encountered a long trek of
emigrant families passing through his village. This scene moved him so much
that in the following night he dreamt that he was relocated to an unknown land.
Neeb wandered around and finally came to a signpost with names of places he
knew well: Mannheim, Oppenheim, Mainz, Darmstadt, and Alzey. Neeb was
flabbergasted. There were no hills with vineyards in the area, the landscape
was not dotted with small villages, and there was no sight of the majestic
Rhine River, just wide tracts of uncultivated land. Soon afterwards he met a
man who introduced himself as the Justice of the Peace of Oppenheim on the Ohio
River. In fluent German he told Neeb that many immigrants from Rheinhessen had
settled in the area and that they were living happily. The stranger invited
Neeb to stay, and Neeb, fond of the idea, wanted to shake hands with him.
However, he hit the bedpost and woke up.8
Neeb’s story,
which was published in 1821 under the title Neu-Deutschland in Amerika,
had a basis in fact.8 Since the late 1600s, people from his area in
the northern part of the old Palatinate, later known as Rheinhessen, had
emigrated to Eastern Europe and North America. Neeb possibly knew that there
was a place called Oppenheim in the United States. It was not on the Ohio
River, however, but in the Mohawk Valley in New York State and had been settled
by Palatines 100 years earlier. Neeb’s dream also makes clear that people in
Rheinhessen knew that there were settlements overseas where people from their
immediate area clustered and which were a magnet for later emigrants. At the
time of Neeb’s death, in 1843, many villagers from his hometown were on their
way to the Great Lakes area of the United States, where they settled in a sparsely
populated wilderness called Wisconsin.
First, I will
briefly introduce you to the Rheinhessen homeland of many Hessian immigrants,
and discuss the socio-economic situation there in the first half of the
nineteenth century. Then I will explain why Wisconsin was so popular among
emigrants from the eastern part of the province, and how this chain migration
started. Afterwards I will outline the distribution of Hessian immigrants in
the various parts of Wisconsin in general and focus on areas where they
clustered: the Darmstädter Settlements in southern Washington County and
northern Sheboygan County, and the City of Milwaukee. In order to analyze the
acculturation process of these immigrants in the 19th century, I will discuss:
relationships to Anglo-Americans from the east coast who referred to themselves
as Yankees, marriage patterns, agriculture, beer and wine businesses, religion,
and attitudes toward the Civil War.
4. Background
of emigration from Rheinhessen
Nieder-Saulheim was part of
Rheinhessen (detailed map of Rheinhessen in 1852), the smallest of the three provinces of the Grandduchy of
Hessen-Darmstadt (Illustration 1). Situated on the left side of the
In the mid
1800s, Wisconsin and other parts of the U.S. were the major, but not the only
destination of emigrants from Rheinhessen. For some time Brazil was popular
among the poor classes because provinces or plantation owners who tried to
stimulate immigration often paid the - otherwise unaffordable - overseas
passage.
Not only people
from Nieder-Saulheim were caught by Wisconsin Fever between the early 1840s and
the Civil War. Nearly 2,000 people from Kreis Oppenheim (consisting of
130 square miles - less than four townships in Wisconsin) also chose this part
of the United States as their new home. In other parts of Rheinhessen as well
as in most areas of the three Hessian States (Hessen-Darmstadt, Hessen-Kassel,
and the tiny state of Hessen-Homburg), people preferred other regions of North
America and were not much attracted to Wisconsin - today the sister state of
the modern German federal state (Bundesland) Hessen. The figures of the
1860 Census clearly illustrate this. There were 123,879 German-born residents
in
Why, of all
places, was Wisconsin so popular among people from the Oppenheim area? The
answer is quite simple: there was a chain migration process taking place which
was typical for many migrations to the Midwest and other parts of the United
States. Instrumental in stimulating emigration from Rheinhessen to
Neukirch’s wife
made certain that her husband’s letters from Wisconsin were circulated in
Rheinhessen. Since Franz still had a good reputation, the mayor and others of
Guntersblum supported her in her efforts. When she and her children joined him
one year later in 1840, five more families from Guntersblum were also preparing
to go to Wisconsin.
As the first
Rheinhessian in the Milwaukee area, Neukirch’s advice was sought by many of the
immigrants who came in the following year. Johann Schätzel, who arrived late in
1840, was disappointed that all the land in Neukirch’s vicinity had been sold.16 In the land office in
By that time,
Rheinhessians and other Hessen-Darmstädters probably numbered less than a
thousand people in Wisconsin, but Neukirch had good reason to be proud of his
role as Hessian ‘colonizer’. His brewery flourished and he soon became a
wealthy and respected citizen of Milwaukee. As vice president of the German
Democratic Association of Milwaukee, Neukirch was a protagonist of the
political interests of the German element in the city. He continued to promote
immigration to Wisconsin, especially from Hessen-Darmstadt. As correspondent of
the Darmstadt-based, nationally circulated newspaper, Der Deutsche
Auswanderer (published between 1847 and 1850), his letters and accounts
reached a wide audience. According to an estimate of the mayor of Darmstadt,
about 2,000 Germans came to Wisconsin upon his advice.
Neukirch was
undisputedly the catalyst for emigration from Rheinhessen to
A survey of the
1860 census manuscripts reveals that Hessen-Darmstädters were scattered in many
different counties, especially between
In 1860, 1,256 Hessen-Darmstädters
lived in Washington County (northwest of Milwaukee). They were the second
largest group of Germans after the Prussians. Two-thirds of the Hessians,
mostly from Rheinhessen, clustered in the townships of Germantown, Richfield,
Polk, and Jackson. Most of the immigrants in the Darmstädter Settlement
came between 1842 and 1848, and when the sale of government land came to an
end, the flow of immigrants rapidly diminished. During the late 1840s, new
arrivals went 40 miles north to the wilderness of the Town of Rhine in
Sheboygan County (the Elkhart Lake area) where they were joined by families who
had previously settled in Germantown. In the 1850s, Rhine became the magnet for
immigration from Rheinhessen, and developed into the most solidly Hessian
township in Wisconsin. In 1860, Hessen-Darmstädters and their children
constituted three-quarters of the Germans in Rhine and half of its total
population. This was unusual in Sheboygan County where only one out of five
Germans came from southern Germany.
With the
outbreak of the Civil War, immigration to Wisconsin from Hessen-Darmstadt
quickly diminished and, as in the rest of Wisconsin, never reached great levels
again, as the figures of later censuses reveal. Until 1870 the number of
Hessian-born slightly rose to 6,661, but then dropped to 4,082 in 1880.20 These figures must be treated with caution, however,
because of irregularities in the keeping of the census, and also because many
people from Hessen-Kassel were probably classified as Prussians after the
annexation of their state by
7.
Relationship to other ethnic groups, marriage patterns
Ethnic Germans
were by far the dominant group in
Yankees were
the earliest settlers in the Darmstädter Settlements and their language
and culture were different from the Germans. They were mostly wealthier than
the immigrants during the settlement period, and like elsewhere, both groups
held quite a few stereotypes about each other. During the settlement process,
many Rheinhessians were dependent on assistance from Yankee neighbors. Johann
Schätzel in Germantown had a cordial relationship with his neighbor from
Pennsylvania who, together with other Anglo-Americans, had helped him raise his
log cabin in 1840. He wrote home to
It is unknown
if Johann Schätzel’s daughter married the Yankee to whom she was engaged in
1840. She certainly would have been the talk of the area for a long time
because pioneers were more likely to be killed by falling trees than to marry
an ethnic outsider. There were enough Germans around from which to pick a
partner. The 1860 census manuscripts for nine selected counties in
Especially in
the Darmstädter Settlements there was a strong tendency to enter
matrimonial bonds with partners from the same home area. Three out of four
Hessian-born residents in the Town of Rhine, who married in the U.S. before
1860, had Hessian husbands or wives. A few males even traveled back to
Rheinhessen, married there, and returned with their brides.29 Ten years later, after the end of the settlement
period, the situation was different. Marriages with people from other parts of
Germany had become more common, and the proportion of purely Hessian couples
declined to one third of all cases.
The vast
majority of immigrants pursued farming even if they had been artisans in
Germany. There were a lot of differences between farming in Rheinhessen and
The Germans of
Washington County generally enjoyed a good reputation for diversified farming.
In 1853, the State Agricultural Society praised them noting that
although they did not cultivate as much land as Anglo-Americans,
they prepared it more thoroughly and, therefore, had higher production rates.32 This was confirmed by John Gregory, land agent in
Milwaukee, who wrote in a handbook for Irish immigrants in 1853: "I
have seen the truth of this proved in many parts of this State, but in no place
so fully as in the outskirts of Milwaukee, where an industrious and skillful
German makes more of an acre than a country farmer does of five."33 Far from being filiopietistic, I have to say: if this
was true, there couldn’t have been better immigrants than Rheinhessians. Land
in their home region was sparse and intensively cultivated for grain
production, the main products being wheat, rye, barley, and oats. In many
villages, especially on the
Ten years
later, in southern
Grain farming
continued to be the principal occupation of the farmers in
The 1860 census
reveals that not much cheese and butter were produced in the Darmstädter
Settlements. However, Rheinhessians there were more acculturated and
willing to learn the art of cheese making from their Yankee neighbors than the
rest of the Germans. Both produced 18 pounds of cheese per year which was twice
the German average. The number of cows increased steadily; cheese making had
become an important source of income for many farmers. In the Town of
Farmers were
busy people and did not have much time for relaxation. Churches were the major
centers of religious and social life; - there were only a few secular Vereine
in the Darmstädter Settlements until the end of the nineteenth century.
Most Rheinhessians were members of the Evangelical church, which in Rheinhessen
was founded in 1822 when Reformed and Lutherans
merged. They mostly founded United Protestant congregations (Vereinigte
Evangelische Kirchengemeinden) in
Some Rheinhessians embraced
denominations that were unknown in
Other
Rheinhessians brought a philosophical heritage that was not approved of by most
Americans. Since the mid 1700s, and especially since the time of the French
Revolution, many people in
10.
Attitude towards the Civil War
As in the rest
of rural
Many German
immigrants were not fond of sending their sons to war. After all, many young
men had left their country to avoid military service. In addition, most Germans
in
The war had
pushed acculturation a step forward. Immigrants who served served in the war
were more aware than ever before that they now were part of a nation which was
worth fighting for. In 1868, the residents of the Town of
11.
Hessen-Darmstädters in
Many immigrants
spent some time in
The social
network of Rheinhessians in
Why did people
from a wine growing area play such a crucial role in the beer brewing business,
not only in
As I have
demonstrated, Rheinhessian immigrants to
In an area dominated by the
German element, the last cultural element to be lost was their mother tongue.
German remained the everyday language of many families in the Darmstädter
Settlements of
Table 1: Hessians in selected
County |
Hessian-born |
percentage of Hessians in |
Milwaukee |
1,369 |
21.7 |
Washington |
1,256 |
19.9 |
Sheboygan |
950 |
15.1 |
Ozaukee |
374 |
5.9 |
Waukesha |
303 |
4.8 |
Manitowoc |
251 |
4.0 |
Dodge |
199 |
3.2 |
Fond du Lac |
182 |
2.9 |
Buffalo |
49 |
0.8 |
Brown |
30 |
0.5 |
Calumet |
21 |
0.3 |
Trempealeau |
9 |
0.1 |
Shawano |
3 |
0.05 |
Total |
4996 |
79.25 |
Source: Author’s
evaluation of 1860
Table
2: Agriculture in
Average production per farm (including
the townships of later
|
all groups |
Germans |
Yankees |
Irish |
British |
Scandi-navians |
Cana-dians |
French |
Number of farms |
1,635 |
916 |
265 |
352 |
48 |
16 |
14 |
12 |
Total acreage |
93,6 |
85,9 |
103,5 |
98,4 |
92,5 |
83,5 |
121,5 |
315,4 |
Improved land (acres) |
26.2 |
25.7 |
28.1 |
25.6 |
29.5 |
17.1 |
32.9 |
33.7 |
Value of farm ($) |
815.6 |
732.8 |
1,121.3 |
747.2 |
1,025.0 |
587.5 |
1,419.1 |
945.8 |
Value of implements ($) |
50.5 |
56.4 |
55.4 |
32.3 |
56.5 |
23.6 |
37.8 |
64.2 |
Horses |
0.3 |
0.1 |
0.4 |
0.09 |
0.2 |
0 |
0.9 |
0.08 |
Cows |
2.1 |
1.9 |
1.9 |
1.9 |
1.8 |
1.6 |
2.3 |
2.5 |
Oxen |
2.1 |
2.0 |
1.7 |
1.7 |
1.7 |
1.6 |
2.1 |
2.8 |
Other cattle |
1.9 |
1.7 |
1.8 |
2.0 |
2.4 |
1.1 |
2.5 |
2.2 |
Sheep |
0.7 |
0.7 |
0.9 |
0.2 |
1.1 |
0.6 |
0 |
0.4 |
Hogs |
6.3 |
6.2 |
5.2 |
6.1 |
6.2 |
3.5 |
3.9 |
7.6 |
Value of animals ($) |
119.9 |
116.5 |
124.9 |
102.1 |
120.4 |
81.1 |
135.8 |
161.0 |
Value of slaughtered animals ($) |
18.5 |
17.4 |
25.4 |
14.4 |
22.3 |
14.6 |
21.2 |
52.6 |
Wheat (bush.) |
78.0 |
72.4 |
92.6 |
78.2 |
79.3 |
42.3 |
91.6 |
209.8 |
Rye (bush.) |
25.9 |
42.1 |
4.1 |
5.0 |
3.4 |
10.2 |
8.2 |
10.4 |
Barley (bush.) |
6.1 |
7.4 |
4.0 |
3.3 |
7.4 |
2.5 |
1.4 |
36.2 |
Indian corn (bush.) |
212 |
18.0 |
41.8 |
12.2 |
33.0 |
7.5 |
23.6 |
42.5 |
Oats (bush.) |
62.4 |
63.5 |
62.3 |
59.6 |
63.9 |
26.9 |
59.5 |
106.7 |
Buckwheat (bush.) |
2.3 |
2.4 |
4.2 |
0.9 |
2.3 |
0 |
0 |
4.2 |
Wool (pounds) |
1.0 |
1.4 |
1.0 |
0.2 |
0.6 |
0 |
0 |
0.8 |
Peas and beans (bush.) |
0.5 |
0.8 |
0.4 |
0.09 |
0.04 |
0 |
0.4 |
0 |
Potatoes (pounds) |
75.5 |
77.1 |
75.3 |
71.8 |
74.6 |
68.8 |
44.1 |
102.8 |
Butter (pounds) |
105.4 |
98.3 |
140.5 |
95.1 |
125.0 |
109.1 |
107.1 |
80.0 |
Cheese (pounds) |
0.2 |
0 |
1.1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Hay (tons) |
2.0 |
1.5 |
3.1 |
2.1 |
3.0 |
0.8 |
7.7 |
3.6 |
Maple sugar (pounds) |
65.5 |
38.4 |
181.1 |
30.9 |
120.7 |
57.5 |
190.0 |
240.0 |
Source:
Author’s evaluation of the Agricultural Schedules of the 1850 Washington County
Census.
Table 3: Agriculture of various ethnic groups in the Darmstädter
Settlement of Washington County, Wisconsin 1859/60
Average production per farm
|
Hessen-Darmstadt |
All Germans |
Anglo-Americans |
Irish |
All groups |
Number of farms |
212 |
922 |
40 |
115 |
1,135 |
Total acreage |
70.1 |
69.6 |
97.6 |
101.2 |
75.9 |
Improved land (acres) |
40.9 |
37.8 |
52.5 |
48.7 |
40.3 |
Value of farm ($) |
1,510 |
1,365 |
2,046 |
1,518 |
1,446 |
Value of implements ($) |
70 |
63 |
86 |
57 |
64 |
Horses |
1.1 |
1.1 |
1.6 |
1.3 |
1.4 |
Cows |
2.8 |
2.7 |
2.6 |
2.5 |
2.7 |
Oxen |
1.5 |
1.5 |
1.2 |
1.4 |
1.1 |
Other cattle |
2.3 |
2.6 |
2.1 |
2.8 |
2.6 |
Sheep |
2.2 |
2.4 |
6.6 |
5.6 |
3.0 |
Hogs |
5.0 |
4.8 |
4.3 |
5.0 |
4.8 |
Value of animals ($) |
186 |
163 |
238 |
199 |
173 |
Value of slaughtered animals ($) |
36.2 |
32.1 |
49.0 |
35.2 |
33.9 |
Wheat (bush.) |
128 |
101 |
155 |
136 |
109 |
Rye (bush.) |
58 |
61 |
5 |
21 |
53 |
Barley (bush.) |
33 |
32 |
13 |
3 |
28 |
Indian corn (bush.) |
146 |
116 |
120 |
168 |
122 |
Oats (bush.) |
28 |
20 |
48 |
30 |
23 |
Buckwheat (bush.) |
0.03 |
0.1 |
0.6 |
0.3 |
0.3 |
Wool (pounds) |
5.7 |
6.1 |
25.9 |
25.2 |
9.3 |
Peas and beans (bush.) |
2.0 |
4.5 |
1.5 |
0.4 |
3.8 |
Potatoes (pounds) |
52.1 |
46.7 |
39.0 |
60.9 |
48.2 |
Value of Fruits ($) |
2.6 |
1.7 |
4.8 |
0.6 |
2.0 |
Wine (gallons) |
0 |
0.003 |
0 |
0 |
0.003 |
Butter (pounds) |
159.9 |
144.4 |
180.2 |
142.7 |
146.3 |
Cheese (pounds) |
17.8 |
9.7 |
17.5 |
0 |
9.4 |
Hay (tons) |
4.5 |
4.1 |
6.5 |
4.4 |
4.3 |
Hops (pounds) |
0.03 |
1.8 |
0 |
0 |
1.5 |
Maple sugar (pounds) |
9.4 |
9.3 |
53.5 |
22.2 |
15.0 |
Honey (pounds) |
1.4 |
1.3 |
0.8 |
0 |
2.8 |
Source:
Author’s evaluation of the Agricultural Schedules of the 1860 Washington County
Census (Towns of Germantown, Jackson, Polk, and
I would like to
thank Joseph Salmons for the kind invitation to participate in the Max Kade
Institute's "Defining Tensions" Conference. I am also indebted to
Fran Loeb Luebke, Fred Horneck and others for their great support.
1) Frank
Thistlethwaite, ‘Migration from
2)
Thistlethwaite, Migration from
3)
Thistlethwaite, Migration from
4) Robert
Ostergren, A Community Transplanted: The
Trans-Atlantic Experience of a Swedish Immigrant Settlement in the
5) One
excellent case study on Scandinavian immigrants is Jon Gjerde, From Peasants
to Farmers: The Migration from
6) Walter D.
Kamphoefner, The Westfalians: From
7) See my dissertation: Helmut Schmahl, Verpflanzt, aber
nicht entwurzelt: Die Auswanderung aus Hessen-Darmstadt (Provinz Rheinhessen)
nach Wisconsin im 19. Jahrhundert, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2000) (Mainzer
Studien zur Neueren Geschichte, 1). An English translation is in progress
with the kind assistance of Joseph Salmons, Fran Loeb Luebke, and others. For more information see my
homepage: http://www.uni-mainz.de/~hschmahl.
8) See Johannes Neeb, Vermischte Schriften, Vol. 3 (Frankfurt: Hermannsche Buchhandlung, 1821, Reprint: Brussels: Impression Anastaltique Culture et Civilisation, 1981), 102-111.
9) For a
concise treatment of the historical and socio-economic background of
Rheinhessen and other parts of the
10) Quoted
from the periodical Der Deutsche Auswanderer, 8/1847, col. 128. The
article was also printed in other German and German-American papers, such as
the Allgemeine Auswanderungszeitung,
11) See the
records of notary public Georg Jakob Saurmann from Bechtheim (Landesarchiv Speyer
K 1 Nr. 3386).
12) Joseph
C. G. Kennedy, Population of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the
Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington: Government Printing
Office, 1864), liii.
13) See
Helmut Schmahl, Verpflanzt, aber nicht entwurzelt, 123-129 for a
detailed list of sources on Franz Neukirch.
14)
Neukirch’s letters were printed in Der Deutsche Auswanderer, 2/1847 [no
date given], cols. 20-22; 3/1847, cols. 37-40;
15) See his letter, Milwaukee, 1 Dec 1839, quoted in Hense-Jensen, Wisconsin’s Deutsch-Amerikaner, Vol. 1, 295.
16) Letter of Johann Schätzel, Milwaukee 19 Dec 1840, quoted in Der Deutsche Auswanderer, 35/1847, col. 558.
17) Wiskonsin-Banner, 12 July 1845.
18) Laubenheimer was born in Dexheim in 1803. See his biographical sketch in History
of Washington and Ozaukee Counties (Chicago: Western Historical Company,
1881), 463, 733.
19) See Helmut Schmahl, Verpflanzt, aber nicht entwurzelt, Chapter 6 (151-202) for details.
20) See
Francis E. Walker, A Compendium of the Ninth Census [1870] (Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1872), 394-395; Statistics of the Population of
the
21) The
following observations are based, if not stated otherwise, on the author’s
computerized database of the population schedules of the 1850 and 1860
22)
23) See Carl
Quickert,
24) Letter of Johann Schätzel, Milwaukee 19 Dec 1840, quoted in Der Deutsche Auswanderer, 36/1847, col. 574.
25) Letter of Valentin Schätzel, Milwaukee, 22 Aug 1841, quoted in Der Deutsche Auswanderer, 35/1847, col. 557.
26) State
Historical Society of
27) See
Richard N. Current, The History of
28) The 1860
Census did not list the relationship of people living in one household.
However, a plausible reconstruction of family structures was possible in most
cases. It was assumed that a marriage took place in the
29) Anton
Diefenthäler, who emigrated to
30) There is no recent scholarly study on the history of agriculture in Rheinhessen. A good introduction on farming in the area in the first half of the 19th century is contained in Wilhelm Heße, Rheinhessen in seiner Entwickelung von 1798 bis Ende 1834. Ein statistisch staatswirtschaftlicher Versuch (Mainz: Florian Kupferberg, 1835).
31) Landesarchiv Speyer U 184 Nr. 13: Generalmusterliste (census) Selzen 1817.
32)
Allgemeine Auswanderungs-Zeitung,
33) John
Gregory, Industrial Resources of
34) See
Joseph Schafer, A History of Agriculture in
35) See Report
on the Productions of Agriculture, as Returned at the Tenth Census [1880]
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1883), 211, 324; Tabular Statements
of the Census Enumeration [1885], and the Agricultural, Mineral and
Manufacturing Interests of the State of
36) See
Edwin L. Fisher, The Cheese Factories of Sheboygan County, (Sheboygan:
Sheboygan County Historical Society, ca. 1992), 9, 25.
37)
38)
Communication of Fred Horneck,
39) See
Barbara A. Nelson / Margaret S. Holzbog,
40) On the
history of the movement in
41) On Schröter see J. J. Schlicher, ‘Eduard Schroeter the Humanist’, WMH 28 (1944/45), 169-183, 307-324; on Loose see Peter Bahn, Deutschkatholiken und Freireligiöse, 331-332.
42) See his autobiographical essay ‘Zehn Jahre in Amerika dem freien Menschen- und Gemeindethum das Wort geredet und doch nicht verzweifelt’, Blätter für freies religiöses Leben 7 (1862/63), 91.
43) See Wiskonsin-Banner, 5 Oct 1853.
44) See Blätter für freies religiöses Leben 1 (1856/57), 80.
45) See Louis von Ragué, Lebensbilder aus der Innern Mission! Pastor Louis von Ragué. Erinnerungen aus seinem Leben und Wirken (Hoyleton: Evangelische Waisenheimat, 1912), 24.
46)
History of
47) See
Frank L. Klement,
48) See History
of
49) See
50) On Konrad Krez see Wolfgang Diehl, Konrad Krez – Freiheitskämpfer und Dichter in Deutschland und Amerika (Landau: Pfälzische Verlagsanstalt, 1988); Portrait and Biographical Record of Sheboygan County, 212-215.
51) See, for example, Sheboygan National Demokrat,
52) The version of the Yankee Doodle in the Sheboygan National Demokrat of 7 Sep 1861 reads as follows: "Yänky-Dudel: Der Däd und ich, mir wor'n im Camp,/ Mitsammt 'm Cäpten Gudwin,/ Un do hen mer die Buwe g'sehn,/ So dick wie hästi Pudding./ Un do wor Capten Waschington,/ Uuf'm schöne Gaul, gar rausend / Der hot den Leut die Orders gewe - / Es waren viele Tausend./ Chor: Yänky Dudel halt's nau uff,/ Yänky Dudel Dändy,/ Meind die Musik un den Step,/ Un faß' die Mäd recht händy /[...] Un Unkel Säm, der war aach do / mit Zwiwel un mit Kuche,/ Un hot se verschwapt vor Zuckersach -/ Des hot er hehm g'numme./ S'wor so en Fun, ich kann's net all / Verzähle, was ich g'sehn;/ Ich had mei Hut gezoge nu / Bin hehm zu meiner Mämme [...]"
53)
54) See Wolfgang Bickel, Rheinhessen. Zeugnisse seiner Geschichte (Frankfurt am Main: Diesterweg, 1994), 86.
55) 1,369
Hessian-born are listed on the census manuscripts. Their number may have been
considerably higher because the census taker of the 5th and 8th
wards disregarded the instructions to record the names of German states where
immigrants were born.
56) See
Philipp Walldorf’s comments in a letter to his parents in Dolgesheim, dated
57) On
Philipp Best and his family see Thomas C. Cochran, The Pabst Brewing
Company: The Model of an American Business (New
York: New York University Press, 1948), 3-69.
58) See
Jerold W. Apps, Breweries of
59) See
Frank A. Flower, History of
60)
61) See
Howard Louis Conard, History of
62) For many
years after Schlitz’ death, this was the slogan of the Joseph Schlitz Brewing
Company. See Apps, Breweries of
63) See
Flower, History of
64) On
Obermann see The United States Biographical Dictionary and Portrait Gallery
of Eminent and Self-Made Men, 196-197. In recent years, a history of the
Gettelman brewing business was published: Nancy Moore Gettelman, A History
of the A. Gettelman Brewing Company (Milwaukee: Procrustes Press, 1995).
65) The
founders of Anheuser-Busch in
66) See
Conard, History of
67) Staatsarchiv Darmstadt G 1 Nr. 110/4: "Decennial Report of Importations from Hessen-Darmstadt Uebergeben von Hrn. Weinhändler Adam Orth gebürtig aus Eich Kr. Worms", enclosure of a report by Ludwig von Baumbach, Consul of Hessen-Darmstadt in Milwaukee, 3 Feb 1868.
68) See Blätter für freies religiöses Leben 7 (1862/63), 109-110.
69) Steven
Geiger from the
70)
Communicated to the author by Roland Schomberg in September 1996. See also his autobiography, ... And That’s The Way It Was!
(Sheboygan: Sheboygan County Historical Society, 1986), 23-28.